The interplay of conversational implicature, speaker expectations, and NPI and positive anymore and yet
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2019
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Swarthmore College. Dept. of Linguistics
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en
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Abstract
This paper accounts for the behavior of the temporal adverbs anymore and yet under the negative
episternic verb doubt and under a class of verbs that I tenn rnirative emotive [actives (lvlEFs;
emotive [actives conveying surprise, or a contrast between expectations and reality). I consider
both the standard NFl anymore and yet and the non-standard "positive" variants available to some
speakers. Previous accounts of anymore and yet ascribe their meaning to contrast or additivity,
respectively, between a presupposition about the past and an assertion about the present. I show
that, under doubt, the latter can be replaced with a conversational implicature about the present
Then, following Altshuler & Michaelis's (2018) account of by temporal adverbs, I argue that the
contrast between expectation and reality inherent in the meaning of J\!IEFs can constitute the
change-of-state event that is a necessary part of the meaning of anymore. Finally, I appeal to the
presuppositions and assertions inherent in yet to illustrate why anymore and yet behave differently under MEFs, with the fonner receiving fhe NFl interpretation and the latter taking on the positive
reading.