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    Towards a Theory of Fascism: The Rise of the Nazis
    (2023) Gerstein, Joshua Macgregor; Gould, Mark
    In this B.A. Thesis, I construct a generalized theory of fascism specifying the necessary and sufficient conditions for the generation of a fascist revolutionary movement, a successful fascist revolution, and the institutionalization of a fascist state. I then apply this theory to the empirical case of Nazi Germany.
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    An Apple a Day: An Exploration of Primary Care Physicians' Definitions of Health
    (2022) May, Phoebe; McKeever, Matthew
    This thesis examines how physicians define health and prioritize care, and whether or not these definitions and priorities vary given geographic location and demographics of patient population. 18 different primary care physicians, including pediatricians, adult primary care providers, and geriatricians and from different areas on the East Coast, were interviewed. They served patient populations of varying demographics, some in privileged communities and others in underserved communities. The doctors that worked in privileged communities defined health as an individual social concept, focusing on holistic evaluations of care. The doctors that worked in underserved communities focused on how larger social institutions impacted the health states of their patients. Given these social barriers, these physicians provided care practically, working to ensure the provision of basic, physical health care to their patient populations. This data exposes problems with the canonical distinction between illness and sickness, a central health definition framework in medical sociology. To expand this framework to more adequately reflect how health functions and is defined, I propose expanding the definition of 'sickness' to include holistic sickness and practical sickness.
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    Gender Equality in an Authoritarian State: Russia (1917-2016)
    (2022) Kozitskaia, Anastasia; Gould, Mark
    This work will explore the regression of the progressive reforms of the Russian Revolution in 1917 to the ascendancy of an authoritarian social order in its effects on gender and sexuality. After the dissolution of the Soviet Union, under Yeltsin's leadership, feminist discourse emerged that attempted to implement values that were initially outlined within the 1917 revolutionary agenda as well as, again, in the post-Stalin liberation movement (post-1953). The values that were central to the Russian Revolution were inclusive of women, challenging the patriarchal social order as well as family structures. Unfortunately, the Revolution never succeeded in eliminating the traditional-hierarchical values that subordinated women and other gender and sexual minorities in Russian society. Forty years later, in the post-Stalin era, the next Russian rulers attempted to establish a more liberal society with the transition to social democracy under the leadership of Mikhail Gorbachev. Policies, such as glasnost' ("openness") and perestroika ("reconstruction), were implemented, ultimately leading to the demise of the Soviet Union. In the early 1990s, feminist movements and organizations reappeared to implement more fully values that were taken from the Russian Revolution. With considerable efforts in place, it seems paradoxical that the feminist movement was unable to legitimate itself within the broader Russian society, failing to mobilize activist groups and generate support for the liberal feminist ideas. Instead, Vladimir Putin's government developed nationalistic narratives appealing to "cultural authenticity, tradition, and religion" to legitimate an authoritarian regime where "traditional notions of family and femininity are endorsed so as to represent national power against the West and to invigorate social unity and morality in [Russian society]" (​​Dogangun 2020). Why has this shift occurred? How was Putin able to consolidate a patrimonial government and legitimate anti-feminist measures in opposition to the liberal-democratic wave?
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    Education in Post-Colonial Tanzania
    (2022) Todd, Seth; Gould, Mark
    This paper examines public education in post-colonial Tanzania, primarily from the period of 1964-1985, when Julius Nyerere lead the country as its president. I examine the post-colonial, socialist ideology that served as the guide for post-colonial state building. In the education system specifically, I examine the "community schools" that were developed in accordance with the Arusha Declaration, which codified Ujamaa as the unifying ideology of the new nation state, and intended to build socialism through agricultural modernization. This paper argues that there were significant problems with the community schools that hindered the completion of goals outlined by the Arusha Declaration. Namely, the continued usage of British examination systems, the national curriculum that was used, and the national-local conflicts that occurred in educational administration. I do this by analyzing Nyerere's personal writings, workforce composition of the time period, and a case study of a prototype community school in the Kwamsisi region prior to national adoption of the structure.