Browsing by Author "Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016"

Now showing 1 - 20 of 72
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    A Case for Addressing the Poor Quality of Sex Education in the United States
    (2009) Irshay, Dana; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
    Over the past few decades, policymakers and their constituents have become increasingly preoccupied with the prevalence of sexual activity among teenagers. Though causality is not always clear, teenage childbearing is associated with numerous negative effects, such as living in poverty and little educational attainment for both mothers and their children. Additionally, the AIDS epidemic of the 1980s put into perspective the fatal and irreversible effects that are possible to obtain from sexual activity. Though teenage pregnancy, birth, and abortion rates are down from the 1990s, teenage sex is still a very important issue in American society. In terms of the sex education debate, restrictions in research dealing with the prevalence of teen sex in the U.S., unplanned pregnancy rates, and sexually transmitted infection (STI) rates, make it difficult for the government to deal with these problems effectively. However, with the budget crisis, it is even more important that government funding is properly allocated to programs that benefit all of its constituents in the long term, and to those who are most affected, immediately. This paper delves into the analysis of what characteristics are successful in combating the harmful consequences of teenage sexual activity, as well as what populations are most at risk. Ultimately, the aim of this thesis is to provide input on how to better counter the occurrence of STIs, unplanned pregnancies, and other negative effects associated with sex among teenagers.
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    A case for rescinding professional baseball's antitrust exemption
    (2004) Schwartz, Craig; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
    My thesis has attempted to give the reader an objective overview of the issues surrounding Major League Baseball's antitrust exemption. In addition, I have presented the history leading up to the exemption as well as the subsequent history that has served to maintain the exemption. Finally, I have presented the arguments both for and against maintaining the exemption and have concluded that Congress as well as the Supreme Court has shirked their responsibility in not removing the exemption.
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    A National Energy Policy for the United States: A Policy Analysis
    (1991) Kravitz, Kyle R; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
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    A Risk Worth Taking: The Need for and Implications of State Based Reform of the Death Penalty
    (2006) O'Dunne, Jesse; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
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    A Self-Inflicted Wound: A Comprehensive Treatment of Bush v. Gore
    (2002) Viavant, Nathan R.; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
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    Abortion: An Examination of the Roles and Conflicts of Congress and the Supreme Court
    (1984) Walsh, William Andrew; Glickman, Harvey; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
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    An Analysis of the Strategic Defense Initiative
    (1987) Beatus, Neal E.; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
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    Analysis of a Health Care Reform Bill
    (1992) Menkes, Justin; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
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    Buying the Vote? Reforming the Financing of Congressional Elections: A Policy Analysis
    (2001) Huebner, Ben; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
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    Changing America’s Drug War: The Potential Implications of the Dutch Approach for America’s War on Drugs
    (2008) Kokot, Matthew; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
    Over the past 30 years, America’s war on drugs has cost federal and state governments billions of dollars and has led to the incarceration of hundreds of thousands of drug offenders. Despite these efforts, however, 46 percent of Americans admit to ever using an illicit drug, and nearly 15 percent admit to using an illicit drug within the past month. In contrast, in Dutch drug policy, the use of the criminal justice system is reserved for dealings with drug traffickers, while drug use itself is seen as a healthcare issue, and is instead combated with a wide range of programs from methadone maintenance to needle exchange. Even more striking is the fact that the use of marijuana is tolerated in Dutch society in certain settings, such as in licensed coffee shops. By analyzing both American and Dutch drug policy, it becomes apparent that while the American war on drugs has proven costly both financially and socially, the Dutch approach has been largely successful at reducing the harms associated with drug use, such as addiction, overdose and HIV. At the same time, however, America’s war on drugs is firmly entrenched in a nearly hundred year old tradition of drug prohibition and, as such, does not appear to be ending. Regardless of this fact, however, the Dutch approach nonetheless provides a “useful corrective” (Boyum, Reuter, 102) to American policy. More specifically, certain elements of the Dutch approach, such as tolerant marijuana policy and needle exchange, have valuable lessons for US policymakers even within the context of the war on drugs because of their ability to reduce the negative consequences of drug use without in turn increasing drug prevalence. Thus, even though the war on drugs seems destined to continue, the Dutch approach provides compelling evidence that this drug war can at least be improved.
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    Combating urban violence: the death of Michael Nutter's proposed "safety now - ten weeks to a safer Philadelphia"
    (2008) Oppenheim, Grace; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
    Urban violence has become a huge problem in the United States, and in particular in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania. To date, Philadelphia has the highest murder rate in the country; approximately 27.8 murders per 100,000 persons whereas the national murder rate is 5.7 per 100,000 persons. Last year alone 406 people were murdered in Philadelphia and 362 of those murders were perpetrated with a handgun. In light of these alarming statistics Philadelphia's Mayor-Elect, Michael Nutter, published a policy paper coined "Safety Now: Ten Weeks to a Safer Philadelphia," which he intended to implement his first day in office to disrupt the crime epidemic. Of paramount importance to Nutter's policy proposal was "stop and frisk," a crime-fighting tactic deemed permissible by the Supreme Court in their 1968 Terry v. Ohio ruling. The Court asserted that an officer is allowed to conduct an unwarranted search and seizure, a "stop and frisk," when the officer has reasonable suspicion to believe that criminal activity is afoot. Nutter intended to enforce "stop and frisk" as a means of curbing the illegal flow of guns in Philadelphia by empowering police officers to stop, question, and frisk people they presume to be carrying illegal weapons. He intended to enforce "stop and frisk" through directed police patrols in the districts with the highest crime in the City. Nutter's policy and use of "stop and frisk" was derived from criminologist Lawrence Sherman's theory that increased gun seizures decreases gun crime. Michael Nutter publicly touted his policy and the necessity of "stop and frisk", even though its viability was criticized by a number of parties throughout the campaign. Once Michael Nutter was inaugurated discussion of his policy proposal "Safety Now," and the enforcement of "stop and frisk" dissipated from public dialogue, Michael Nutter ceased to publicly endorse "stop and frisk." Nutter appointed Charles Ramsey as the new police commissioner of Philadelphia in November 2007; however, he did not request Ramsey to derive a new crime-plan for Philadelphia until after his inauguration on January 7, 2008. He then directed the commissioner to create a new crime-plan by January 30, 2008. Nutter stipulated that Ramsey's crime-plan include insights and feedback from the community, aside from this prerequisite, Nutter placed the entire formation of the crime plan on Charles Ramsey. In light of the fact that Nutter got elected on his Safety Now crime platform, why did he abandon the entirety of his policy proposal and more importantly "stop and frisk," a legalized crime fighting tactic, when he was inaugurated? This paper is dedicated to discerning and answering this question; it evaluates a plethora of reasons for why the policy shift occurred by comparing and contrasting Nutter's original policy to Ramsey's new policy. Moreover, the paper examines similar implementation problems and constraints with Ramsey's new crime proposal.
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    Congressional Term Limits: Are they the Solution to Improving Congress?
    (1997) Lyerly, Amanda; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
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    Congresswomen's Networks
    (1986) Darling, Mary; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
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    Covert action: A study in Obfuscation
    (1992) Feeny, Edwin J.; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
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    Democracy in the Jungle: Debating the Will of the People in Nicaragua
    (2008) Balazs, Cedar C.; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
    In 1990, with the inauguration of Violeta Chamorro as the first democratically elected President, Nicaragua formally transitioned from centuries of internal conflict, foreign intervention and centralized authoritarian power, to procedural democracy. Transitions to democracy are never black and white, they are often protracted struggles that suffer from setbacks and require constant reevaluation. In order to assess Nicaragua's current democratic quality, this study will focus on two current political phenomena, the power sharing pact between former President Arnoldo Alemάn and President Daniel Ortega, and Ortega's recently imposed Councils of Citizen Power, and how they have impacted democratic progress. The pact was necessary for a constitutional amendment that lowered the necessary threshold for election to Executive office and allowed Ortega to be reelected after three consecutive losses. Since his inauguration in January 2007 Ortega has quickly begun to consolidate executive power. He has also introduced a secondary level of government formatted on the model of associational bodies that have caused high levels of controversy and framed the current debate surrounding the model of democracy that the Nicaraguan people want. These phenomena help to paint a picture of a Nicaragua that enjoys formal classification as a democracy and conducts regular elections, but faces serious challenges to the stability and quality of democracy. Strong opposition to Ortega's policies are not simply protest within a stable democratic system but a sign that much of the country is isolated from Ortega's government and genuinely concerned about a democratic future for Nicaragua. If Charles Tilly's normative standard is to be adhered to, that democracy is "the only game in town" these idiosyncrasies in Nicaraguan politics should certainly demonstrate that there are many more games in town. While a working definition will be established and employed, this examination is concerned with the spirit of democracy; is the will of the people reflected in the governance of the country?
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    Designed to kill : gun control and the Dunblane and Columbine massacres
    (2003) Martin, Gwendolyn M.; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
    This paper examines the effects of the Dunblane Primary School murders in the UK and the Columbine High School shootings in the US on national gun control laws. Despite numerous similarities between the cases, cultural and religious differences, previous gun laws, varying government structures and media treatment of each tragedy combined to create vastly different legal consequences. These cases underscore the importance of single events in creating change if proponents are sufficiently organized to mobilize public opinion.
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    Education Reform in Philadelphia
    (1998) DeIasi, Christina; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016