Browsing by Author "Shumer, Sara Mayhew"

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    A Comparison of Christian Perspectives in the United States Political Realm
    (1998) Symons, Katherine S.; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
    There are many Christian voices in the political realm; the loudest often bring the conservative voices, which have captured the most media attention. However, Christian political voices range from social conservatives to social progressives and from libertarianists to socialists. The following thesis elaborates on the views of eight Christian articulators and highlights their propensities towards justice and/or moral cultural issues in addition to their views on the appropriate role of the church in public life. Also, the work demonstrates congruence between the Christian and political principles of widely varying Christian political views, and suggests paths towards achieving a unifying discourse.
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    Action: Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Louis Althusser
    (1978) Holman, Rick; Salkever, Stephen G., 1943-; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
    The topic of this project is action as interpreted by two individuals: Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Louis Althusser. Action as being the relation between individuals for Merleau- Ponty, or within the modes of production for Althusser.
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    An Experience in Feminist Jurisprudence: The Power of Practice and Theory
    (1999) Davis, Emily D.; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
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    An Investigation Into the Social: Pitkin's Project and its Effect on Arendt's Concept
    (1999) Balderston, Robert; Shumer, Sara Mayhew; Outlaw, Lucius T., 1944-
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    Another Investigation into the Inadequacies of International Theory? Well Nobody's Perfect!!!
    (1985) Felman, Dedi; Shumer, Sara Mayhew; Mortimer, Robert A.
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    Black Feminist Thought and the Space for Appearance
    (1997) Richardson, Tracy; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
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    Different Conceptions of American Equality and Liberty at Different Periods in American History
    (2000) Zlotoff, Jacob; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
    Equality and liberty are two of most fundamental values of American democracy. However, what do those words mean in American democracy? These words are used constantly in debating the past, present, and future merits of American politics, policies, and society, despite the fact that most people are unclear about what these words embody. Part of the reason for the confusion surrounding equality and liberty is that there have been different conceptions of them throughout our history. Furthermore, the level of acceptance of the different conceptions in society has changed over time as well. Thus, conceptions of equality and liberty that were held by a percentage of Americans at the Revolution became the dominant conception of equality and liberty later in American history. At the same time another widely held conception of equality and liberty at the Founding would be considered a radical belief 200 years later. The goal in looking at these various conceptions of equality and liberty at different periods of American history is not to determine if one view is superior to the other. Rather, the goal is to clarify some of the ambiguity surrounding these words by observing various conceptions of equality and liberty during the Revolution and the late eighteenth century and the 1960's. Hopefully by clarifying conceptions of equality and liberty in the past, it will make it easier to constructively use these values to shape the future. It must be emphasized that this discussion is about conceptions of equality and liberty, not necessarily definitions. Thus, these various sources are not used as modern authorities on the subjects as defined by us, but rather as a sampling of viewpoints at these different times. Granted, these selections do not represent every possible view, but rather a cross-section of differing views of the time. Thus, while Crevecoeur's account, for example, is fictional, the analysis of his writing is based upon the assumption that he was representing and drawing upon some of the major themes present in American society at the time. The same can be said of the following analysis on the ideas of Abraham Clark, James Madison, William Manning, and Thomas Jefferson. In a political process model that truly traced the development of the concepts of equality and liberty in America, later events and views intervening between the Revolution and the 1960's would be given their due. Unfortunately, time and space constraints prevent such a model, and thus while other political events and thinking may be touched upon, they are not a cornerstone of this analysis.
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    Educating for Radical Power: Rethinking Notions of Democracy and Citizenship
    (1999) Rind, Zoë N.; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
    What is a democratic education and what are its implications for citizenship? This question requires a "critical discussion of the true nature of democracy (or of the nature of a true democracy, of the right choice among rival conceptions of democracy), and then ... to derive conceptions of the nature and requirements of democratic citizenshipfrom which could be derived, in tum, a formulation of what schooling should contribute to the formation of robustly qualified citizens within such democratic societies" (Whitson and Stanley in Parker 310). If this discussion yields a desire for the United States to achieve a more involved citizenry, education must be pursued with this aim in mind since the requirements for such political participation will necessarily shape what is required of its citizens. Learning how to live in this democracy, therefore, must take place at all stages of life; the time of adolescence, however, is particularly crucial in constructing situations of formal instruction in which democratic values can be developed. The current democratic self-conception of the United States differs from its earliest beginnings. The Declaration of Independence, conceived as the document which announced the break from colonial rule and the constituting of the United State.s by the community bonds formed by public discourse, can be understood as a formalized statement on what is called the radical tradition of democracy. Radical has the connotation, and its secondary definition is in fact, "change from traditional form" (*), which implies yxtremism. Yet in fact this radical tradition of democracy properly refers to its primary definition, "going to the origin" (*). The earliest tradition of American politics was in fact radical in its return to the roots of politics at its most fundamental level, the coming together of people. This simple, yet powerful concept, can indeed lead to drastic change thus the connotation of radical. The Constitution is the founding document that more accurately reflects the current mainstream conception of politics more than it did at the time of its authorship in 1787. At that time it was the Declaration of Independence with its language of a public discourse that resonated with 18th century Americans, not the system of institutions at the national level engineered by the Federalists. These men created a strong central government that avoided monarchy through a system of checks and balances and, fearing the radical power of people, the Constitution failed to institutionalize the locations of citizen action that made the document possible. Without the institutions to foster such citizen interaction, the Constitution and the legacy of its focus on representative government is reflected in the way most citizens and much of political science has come to understand democracy. Joseph Schumpeter justified and applauded this lack of an active citizenry. From this understanding of democracy as good governance by a small group of individuals, Ronald Dahl has been a major contributor to the development of a growing literature that seeks to strengthen institutions rather than promoting citizen action. By virtue of Constitutional design and theoretical justification by those such as Schumpeter and Dahl, the citizen need be little more than one who votes and abides by laws. Following from the radical tradition, democracy can and should have more active citizens. The original spirit of American democracy lies in associating as noted by Alexis de Tocqueville in his 1830s visit to the United States. Face to face deliberation, as explained by Douglas Lummis and Hannah Arendt, can be something that enriches human life and enables a unique kind of happiness. This kind of shared life requires a rethinking of one's individual interests and the creation of common interests. Such a democratic theory requires education. Although many locations could be reformed to facilitate the kind of citizenship needed for such a democracy, secondary public schools have a unique potential to serve in this capacity (Civitas xix).1 Civics, now more commonly referred to as social studies, has been the traditional location for "training" citizens. This part of the curriculum is the most self-conscious way that citizenship is taught. Yet these classes and the very structures of schools often, both intentionally and implicitly, teach children lessons about authoritarianism. Democratizing the school structure could be an important way for students to be educated democratically. Through the process of educating future citizens to be deliberative members of political communities, the problems and promise of such a radical understanding of a democracy emerges.
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    Empowerment: A Case Study of a Nicaraguan Community
    (1992) Lewis, Jessica; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
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    Finding Voice in a Democracy
    (1995) Walker, Herndon A.; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
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    Human Rights and the Right to be Human: The Ground of Political Right
    (1987) Smeltzer, John L.; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
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    Jeffersonian Political Theory: Man, Nature and Responsibility
    (1977) Ostrow, Eleanor J.; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
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    "Legalizing" Civil Disobedience: A New Justification Defense
    (1997) Froehlich, Michael R.; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
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    "Private property for all:" An argument for economic democracy as a complex of worker-owned co-operatives
    (1994) Satterthwaite, David; Velásquez, Eduardo A., 1961-; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
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    Puerto Rico: The Historical and Constitutional Development of an International Anomaly
    (1974) Rivera-Soto, Roberto; Mortimer, Robert A.; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
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    Saints in Caesar's Household: A Comparative Analysis of the Black Church as a Political Agent in the Civil Rights and Contemporary Eras
    (1997) Myers, Nicole H.; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
    This paper is a treatment of the historical and contemporary role of the Black church in the political motivation and organization of Black people. A discussion of the legacy of the Black church of the 1960's and how the Black church of the contemporary era has developed in that legacy will show that the Black church maintains its status as a political agent and that its orientation is not static but evolves over time in order to accommodate the changing needs of its constituency and in order to adapt to changes in society. The current modification of the Black church's orientation helps to keep it relevant and is in the community's best interest.
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    The Antifederalists: Democrats or Aristocrats?
    (1993) Cohen, Allison L.; Shumer, Sara Mayhew