Browsing by Author "Salkever, Stephen G., 1943-"

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    Action: Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Louis Althusser
    (1978) Holman, Rick; Salkever, Stephen G., 1943-; Shumer, Sara Mayhew
    The topic of this project is action as interpreted by two individuals: Maurice Merleau-Ponty and Louis Althusser. Action as being the relation between individuals for Merleau- Ponty, or within the modes of production for Althusser.
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    Bridging the breach and battling the blindness: Kant and Care
    (1990) Lave, Tamara; Salkever, Stephen G., 1943-; Fleischacker, Samuel
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    How a Concept of Membership Informed by Human Rights Language and National Sovereignty Provides Insight into a State’s Duty to Undocumented Immigrants
    (2012) Satten-Lopez, Elena; Stauffer, Jill, 1966-; Salkever, Stephen G., 1943-
    This paper focuses on the question of whether a liberal democratic state possesses certain obligations to nonmembers who reside illegally within its borders, especially in a modern world that prioritizes both the principles of national sovereignty and human rights. Embedded within this question are three key concepts: membership, human rights, and national sovereignty. It is my contention that human rights and national sovereignty speak to different aspects of membership and both offer important values for a political community’s discussion of membership. As a result, it is possible for conflicts to emerge between these two principles. However, rather than resolve this conflict through determining whether human rights or national sovereignty should be the dominant principle shaping membership, political communities should consider both national sovereignty and human rights language when thinking about issues of membership. Therefore, neither principle is universally prioritized over the other. This is because the conflict between human rights language and national sovereignty can provide a fruitful tension in which to frame political discussions about membership. The tension can prove productive for political discourse, because it highlights several political concerns, like the human right to dignity and the state’s right to control its borders, that political actors should consider when addressing questions of membership. I then apply this view of how human rights language and national sovereignty inform membership to the critical political issue of illegal immigration. Specifically, whether in a liberal democratic state this tension between national sovereignty and human rights language in regards to membership brings to light certain state obligations to nonmembers who reside illegally within its borders. Ultimately, while there is no one way for a liberal democratic state to handle illegal immigration, every state must, and the complexity of this problem needs to be confronted. As such, I do not propose a single solution. Rather, I present several ways a state may conceptualize membership in relationship to immigration that respects national sovereignty and also places limits on national sovereignty. Therefore, while each political community’s solution should balance the preservation of the state with the recognition of certain obligations to nonmembers, each state interprets this balance for itself in a way that is aligned with its own professed values.
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    Islam and the West: the Algerian identity crisis
    (1993) Fidler, Danielle; Gangadean, Ashok K., 1941-; Salkever, Stephen G., 1943-
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    Life, Politics and Conservatism
    (1987) Peltz, Harlan; Salkever, Stephen G., 1943-
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    Nietzsche Contra Rousseau
    (1979) Stelson, Fred; Glickman, Harvey; Salkever, Stephen G., 1943-
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    On Becoming A Feminist Nietzschean: Towards A Reconciliation
    (1990) Black, Jessica; Wright, Kathleen, 1944-; Salkever, Stephen G., 1943-
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    Philosophical Citizenship in the Apology and the Republic
    (2004) Townsend, Joe; Kosman, Louis Aryeh; Salkever, Stephen G., 1943-
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    The Educational Requirements For A Good Life: Why Growing Just Modern Liberal Democracies Requires Appropriately Educating Citizens
    (2011) Zoghlin, Jacob; Stauffer, Jill, 1966-; Salkever, Stephen G., 1943-
    Living a good human life depends on two criteria: first, the development of the capacities required to engage in characteristic human actions, actions without which a life could not be happy or, indeed, fully human; and, second, the political circumstances that permit and promote the exercise of those capacities in a free and just way. It is too often forgotten that education can promote the capacities required to live well; it is not merely professional training, which, alone, would be wholly insufficient. Education is required to arm citizens with the capacities they need to fulfill their roles in political society, which, if the society is good, will promote citizens’ abilities to live well. Proper education is a common requirement for the achievement of both criteria for a good life. This indicates that the success of an educational system at promoting these capacities is a necessary, though not sufficient, condition for the ability of political society to achieve what Aristotle says is its telos, its end, of promoting good lives for its people. Political society can be evaluated by how successfully an educational system promotes individuals’ capacities to live well, not just by its success at protecting individual rights. I refer to the criteria that an educational system must meet to promote the capacities individuals need to live well, which determine whether or not a political society can be successful, as the “eudaimonic pedagogical requirement.” The eudaimonic pedagogical requirement stipulates that a good education will cultivate basic human capacities by teaching knowledge of facts; intellectual, civic, and moral virtues; deliberative skills; and will do so in a way that promotes freedom rather than domination, using a formal education system, laws, and society’s basic structures. The eudaimonic pedagogical requirement serves as a measuring stick for the success of education and modern liberal democracies.
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