Browsing by Author "Glickman, Harvey"
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- ItemA New Revolution: The Struggle Between Political Culture and Economic Reality in Contemporary Costa Rica(1992) Maue, David J.; Glickman, Harvey
- ItemA Soviet Perspective of South Africa(1986) Miller, Ben; Glickman, Harvey
- ItemA Three-Pronged Transition to Democracy: The Monarchy, The Military and the Church in Spain(1992) Schader, Alexandra; Glickman, Harvey
- ItemAbortion: An Examination of the Roles and Conflicts of Congress and the Supreme Court(1984) Walsh, William Andrew; Glickman, Harvey; Waldman, Sidney R., 1940-2016
- ItemAfro-Americans and America's Foreign Policy Toward Africa: A Role for Influence on the Policy Towards Zimbabwe(1978) Hicks, Michael M.; Glickman, Harvey
- ItemAn Analysis of the 1960 Presidential Vote in Niagara Falls, New York, by Selected Social Groupings and a Comparison of this Vote with Past Presidential Votes Within the City(1961) Fowler, Robert Booth; Glickman, Harvey
- ItemAsians in Kenya and Uganda: A Minority in Search of Stability(1978) Madhvani, Nimisha J.; Glickman, Harvey
- ItemBetrayer or Defender? The Problem Of Legitimacy in the Mexican Regime(1988) Eastman, Kathie A.; Glickman, Harvey
- ItemBlack Anti-Semitism and Jewish Racism(1977) Reichman, Jonathan D.; Glickman, Harvey
- ItemBoom or Doom:' The Production of Oil in Nigeria and Mexico(1987) Gullace, John F.; Glickman, Harvey
- ItemCivil-Military Relations in Chile and Argentina(1999) DeCarlo, Juliette; Glickman, HarveyThroughout history civil-military relations in Chile and Argentina have gone through various phases. Beginning in the late nineteenth century up until the first quarter of the twentieth century, the armed forces underwent a process of professionalization. But by the 1920's this role changed and the military became a threat to the political process. Chile endured one military coup in 1924, but the regime was replaced in 1932 with a constitutional democracy which would last until 1973. In 1973, the stable democracy was once again overthrown by the military. This time the regime lasted for over sixteen years, leaving lasting effects once it was brought down. Argentina, on the other hand, was plagued with several different military coups up until 1983. The last coup in 1976, left a huge impact on the country, even after its downfall seven years later. The goal of this essay is to examine the historical role of the military in Argentina and Chile and determine the factors that led to the coups. By analyzing these factors it is possible to determine what the present role of the military is in these countries and whether or not it poses a threat to the new democracies. The context under which the military coups occurred prior to the mid-1980's, is much different than the political and economic environment in Chile and Argentina today. Although the armed forces may still have political influence, they pose very little threat to democratic stability. The installation of democracy diminished the military's political clout and has almost eliminated any chance for military rule again in Chile and Argentina.
- ItemControling Multinational Investment in Less Developed Countries: Nigerian Case Studies(1984) Bernstein, Seth; Dixon, Vernon J., 1933-; Glickman, Harvey; Prime, Ruthven Nathaniel
- ItemCreated Capitals in Developing Nations: Washington DC, Brasilia, Islamabad, and Abuja(1987) Jacobs, Linda; Glickman, Harvey
- ItemDegrees of Intervention U.S. Foreign Policy in Panama, Guatemala and Costa Rica(1992) Ubarri, Carmen T.; Glickman, Harvey
- ItemEthnicity and the African State(2002) Titus, Tracy; Glickman, HarveyIn the early 1990s, many African states underwent a democratic transformation from authoritarian systems. The liberalization of the political arena by implementing democratic institutions in African states is a way to provide protection of individual rights, such that ethnic affiliation in an open space can be peaceful and interests are effectively addressed. The assumption among political scientists about democracy is that it should create a political space where ethnically diverse states can compete as well as share the government. There have been several approaches performed by African states in managing the increasing ethnic problems. This paper will discuss the relationship of ethnicity and politics within three African states--Uganda, South Africa, and Ethiopia--that have tried to manage ethnic conflict through political structures of unitaryism, multipartyism, and federalism. All of these governments claim to be democratic and promote a space of individual equality and freedoms of ethnic expression. All three governments have been able to maintain a nonviolent level considering the ethnic civil wars that disrupt other African nations. Despite the implementation of democratic structures, ethnic conflict continues to increase within these countries. Unfortunately, democratic devices such as elections have been used as advantageous instruments to promote personal interests. These three nations have demonstrated the mismanagement of freedom of expressions, but they do represent the better half of the country that has not fallen prey to ethnic violence. There is much more state building within the nation that has to be done and there is room for improvements. Therefore, the importance of understanding the dynamics of ethnicity in the political environment can provide solutions to eliminate the use of violence to manage ethnic conflict and alleviate the pressures of political ethnic groups on minorities.
- ItemEvolution in South Africa: From Sport to Political Change(1993) Shuman, Rebecca; Glickman, HarveyThrough this paper, I intend to examine the involvement of politics in South African sport. Historically, sport has been an integral part of South African society, as white South Africans valued sport as a measure of social status and superiority. Long before apartheid policy was instituted in South Africa, a tradition of racism and segregation prevailed over South African sport. Although the initial apartheid legislation did not enter directly into the realm of sport, general laws prohibiting the interaction of whites and nonwhites rendered engaging in mixed sport illegal. Inside South Africa, non-racial sporting organizations developed as, an alternative to the white and non-white organizations. These non-racial sporting bodies began to receive recognition from the international community, however, many were forced into exile by the South African government. The efforts of these non-racial sporting organizations succeeded in increasing the awareness of the international community concerning the oppression in South Africa. The international boycotts of South Africa's all-white sport organizations, as well as South Africa's expulsion from the Olympics, were very effective in bringing about the demise of apartheid. The desire which South African whites held for international competition pressured many to accept an end to apartheid policy.
- ItemEvolution of the Party Systems in Senegal and Mexico(1991) Trujillo, Sylvia; Glickman, Harvey
- ItemEvolving Political Culture: Education Reform as an Aspect of Political Socialization in Eastern Germany(1999) Lawlor, Joshua R.; Glickman, Harvey
- ItemFeminism and Democracy in Argentina: A Closer Look at the Obstacles to Feminist Objectives and Democratic Aims(2000) Harris, Lesley Beth; Glickman, HarveyIt has been proposed that the growth of feminism occurs in the wake of modernization. Argentina, however, does not evince much feminist thought or action as defined by Maxine Molyneux's system for understanding gender interests. I propose that the slow growth of feminism in Argentina is primarily due to an emphasis on the identity of women as mothers, as well as from widespread misunderstanding of what feminism means. These obstacles to feminism are evident when viewing the status of women in relation to the political arena, education, employment, and bodily rights. By focusing on these subjects it also becomes clear that the goals of feminism further the aims of substantive democracy, as Robert Dahl defines it. It is possible that further modernization will be accompanied by a wider acceptance of feminism in Argentina, but it is not a guarantee. Education about feminism is necessary to allow for its growth and the consolidation of democracy.
- ItemForeign Aid and Democracy in Newly Democratizing Nations: Adjusting to the Challenge of Social Costs(1995) Miller, Richard D.; Glickman, HarveyIn an effort to illustrate the role of international aid, case studies of Bolivia and Hungary will be discussed. Bolivia presents a positive example where international aid had a strong positive impact, while in Hungary the failure by both the government and international donors to address the social costs sufficiently led to considerable popular discontent that could have threatened the democratic transition.